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A silent warning, these are nearly always posted without any commentary, much less criticism, lest the interest of enforcers of online policing be aroused.Webcam viewers know that in watching the webcam girls it has become possible that they, in turn, are being watched.
Occasionally articles on recent Internet tracking of pedophiles online are posted on these webcam sites, for example, the Sweetie sting, which is discussed in the conclusion (and forthcoming 2014).
This influence was felt when CATW-AP sponsored the 2003 Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act, making the Philippines the first country in the Asia Pacific to produce its own anti-trafficking legislation (Doezema 2010).
The most contested issue in producing the Philippines Anti-Trafficking Act therefore revolved around the issue of prostitution as iconic of exploitation.
At the core of contemporary political agendas on human trafficking is a long-standing and highly politicized debate between two broad schools of thought on the nature of prostitution and the possibilities of choice, often discussed in sexual domains as ‘consent.’ Anti-prostitution feminist activists, or abolitionists, argue that ‘prostitution’ is gender violence and inherently exploitative, with trafficking denoting sexual slavery (Barry 1984; Mac Kinnon 1989; Jeffreys 1997; O’Connell Davidson 2002).
In opposition, sex worker rights activists have argued that ‘sex work’ is a choice, and abolitionism treats women as victims and denies them agency (Kempadoo and Doezema 1998, Roces 2009).
The UN’s Convention against human trafficking, the Palermo Protocol (2000), led to trafficking discourse becoming politically ascendant in the past fifteen years (see Bernstein 2007, 2010).
Trafficking discourse thus reacts to assertions of choice and reasserts the argument for ‘force’ (Sandy 2006).This biblical expression was to become the title of a famed novel by the Philippine national hero José Rizal (1886), a revolutionary tract which denounced the injustices of Spanish colonial rule and the Catholic friars.Mathews’ abstract outlines the ‘largely unknown’ Adult/Asian Cam Model (ACM) industry in the Philippines.Anti-prostitution campaigners, such as the NGO Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW), were highly influential in producing the much-contested Palermo Protocol, and achieved prominence in producing policy in countries deemed to have trafficking problems, such as the Philippines (see Doezema 2010).In 1993, CATW created the regional office CATW-AP, (AP designating Asia Pacific), which is based in Manila.He uses the terminology ‘gurls’ to denote ‘some’ of these young women/girl’s self-definition, a combination of girls and guys which indicates a ‘more proactive (sexual) role’ (5).